But for this I doubt whether the CP ... could have
played so disproportionately important a role in the trade union movement as it
did from the 1930s to the 1970s.[1]
What follows
explores Tocher’s commitments and achievements, asking why he left the
Communist Party in 1976 and why it is so hard to know his reasons.
A committed comrade
Born 1926 in
Surrey, Tocher was an apprentice engineer before joining the Army Air Corps,
and then the Special Operations Executive, SOE, which parachuted him into
Norway on a mission to sabotage bridges.[2] He completed his apprenticeship in the giant
A.V.Roe aircraft factory, in Chadderton near Stockport, then producing Lancaster
bombers, in the 1950s making V bombers. Soon elected shop steward, he became convener
before he was thirty. [3] In 1949 he joined the
Communist Party which had a strong base in the aircraft industry, quickly
becoming a successful CP factory branch builder.[4] As convenor, with nine hundred members, he
led a number of strikes.[5] His article ‘Attacks on
shop stewards are blows at you’ published in the Metal Worker, the party’s rank
and file engineering paper brings out a key element of his politics,
‘Above all, he [the shop steward] is carrying the
responsibility in the main for improving the lot of the working class, at their
place of work today.’
Tocher goes on
to quote from Marx supporting involvement in workplace struggle
the alternative rise and fall of wages, and the
continual conflict between masters and men resulting therefrom are, in the
present organisation of industry, the indispensable means of holding up the
spirit of the labouring classes, of combining them into one great association
against the encroachments of the ruling class, and of preventing them from
becoming apathetic, thoughtless, more or less well fed instruments of
production.[6]
There is no evidence of any criticism on his part of the CPSU’s
Twentieth Congress or the invasion of Hungary. Along with the great majority of
the CP’s engineers, he stood with the leadership, loyal to the Soviet Union even
after he left the Communist Party. Meanwhile on issues such as nuclear weapons
he spoke out sharply as with the resolution he sent on behalf of the AVRO JSSC.
This
‘demand[ed] that the Labour Party conference decisions
are acted upon and carried out to the letter by the Parliamentary Party...[and]
that if the present Leader of the Labour Party is not prepared to carry out
Conference directives he must be replaced immediately by someone else.’[7]
Elected delegate to the AEU’s national committee, its policy making
body, in 1957, he consistently spoke out on behalf of the left,[8] reporting back regularly
to shop floor reps.[9] It was ‘Johnnie Tocher’
who gave an up-beat speech opening the January 1959 Engineering and Allied
Trades Shop Stewards conference organised by the party controlled Engineering
and Allied Trades Shop Stewards National Council.
With sharp struggles ahead we need fighters in every
union job, men who will carry out union policy and battle no matter what the
employer's press says.[10]
An active
member of the Communist Party’s North West district committee and secretariat as
well as being treasurer of the party’s T.U. advisory to the British Soviet
Friendship Society, in 1963 he was elected onto the Communist Party’s national
executive.[11]
The Broad Left
The party made a key shift in its industrial strategy at its Easter 1961
Congress. From its long-established ‘rank and file-ist’ orientation it shifted
to building broad left alliances within union hierarchies, in particular emphasising
the election of left officials. The change was easily carried through in
Manchester where a broad left had been operating since the early 1950s. In the
main this was due to the local strength of the CP and the friendly ex-member
Hugh Scanlon, former convenor of the giant Metro Vicks plant in Manchester who
left the CP in the mid 1950s.[12] It was as a Broad Left that Tocher was elected as AEU
Stockport district secretary 1964. This
was followed by election as Manchester AEU divisional organiser 1967, covering four
districts and, two years later, secretary of the North West Confederation of
Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions. The
Confed, as it was known, covered twenty five engineering unions, co-ordinating
both regular negotiations with employers and large scale industrial action. In this important role he was now a member of
the circle of leading comrades in engineering, from 1965 working closely with
Bert Ramelson, the CP’s industrial organiser.[13]
Tocher’s politics
He was most
definitely not ‘just a union activist’.
Unlike many other party comrades in engineering, he never stood as a
Communist in local or national elections; he was nevertheless active where he
lived: for example, in the Wilmslow Council Tenants Association where he called
his local council’s proposal to increase rents ‘immoral’.[14]
Like all new recruits he got a political education[15] as a Marxist. October
1968 found him speaking at a Stockport CP event on ‘Marxism and the British
Labour Movement’.[16] Together with others,
January 1972 he signed a Manchester Connolly Association telegram to Edward
Heath condemning the Bloody Sunday massacre in Derry and calling for troops to
be confined to barracks.[17] Later in the 1970s he became an active
supporter of the Anti Nazi League.
In a carefully written apology to John Gollan for not attending the
Executive Committee because of a family bereavement, February 1966, he
emphasised the importance of avoiding open polemic over the Sino-Soviet split.
He goes on to discuss different roads to socialism and argues that there are
valid reasons for supporting the pro-Chinese position
I sincerely hope our Party will not enter into polemics on this question
at this stage. I believe we must concentrate on the "British Road to
Socialism" in this country. Other
countries will find their own road in their own way depending on the
circumstances they find themselves in.
It is not correct of us to say Communism can come through the ballot box
in a general way - many countries have not got a ballot box - They will reach
Socialism through revolution. It is still a fact up to date that Communism had
only been established and maintained through revolution.
This of course does not mean that Communism cannot be established
through the ballot box, but not in all countries. In fact, the road to
socialism in many countries can only be on the basis of preparation for
revolution.
I am of the opinion that our movement must embrace both roads to
socialism in our international thinking.
In this country we have decided what road we are taking and, let's be
honest, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. So let's direct our efforts
on the establishment of socialism in this country along the road we have
decided upon.[18]
Roberts Arundel
As the broad
left strategy was put to the test with Wilson’s statutory incomes policy and
his attack on the Communist Party during the seafarers’ strike 1966, Tocher
found himself facing the aggressively anti-union boss of a textile machinery
company in Stockport, Roberts Arundel.
The dispute arose after the company refused to discuss the employment of
women workers at a lower rate of pay than male workers who had been doing the
work until a few months earlier before being made redundant. The dispute lasted eighteen months from late
1966 to the spring of 1968. Despite ever
heavier policing in support of the employer, the picketing, blacking,
solidarity strikes and repeated demonstrations, one of which saw every window
in the factory smashed, forced the employer to negotiate a settlement with the
union.[19] At one point ground staff at Manchester
airport successfully forced their employer to send back a Roberts Arundel
shipment due to be flown by KLM with the threat that if it went out no KLM
plane would ever fly out of Manchester again.[20] Determined to stop Tocher, the Chief Constable
of Cheshire, tried unsuccessfully to have him charged with conspiracy, sending
a file of police witness statements accompanied by a detective inspector, to
the Deputy Director of Public Prosecutions who in turn consulted the Attorney
General. Interviewed by the police,
Tocher had acknowledged that he had circulated the details of the mass pickets
and that ‘mass pickets can cause intimidation – they are supposed to do
this. This is the idea of mass pickets.’
The inspector noted, however, ‘There is absolutely no evidence that Mr Tocher
ever personally used violence or intimidated anyone.’[21] Tocher was in fact a consummate
conspirator using secret meetings to organise the mass pickets. He also got information about company
suppliers and customers by helping Paul Casey who had been a ‘union spy’ inside
the factory back over the wall one night to get documents from the office.[22] Always unsectarian in his relations with the rest of
the left, he was happy to take up the offer from Colin Barker, a local member
of the International Socialists, to write a pamphlet supporting the Roberts
Arundel strike which Tocher reprinted and circulated widely.[23]
The scale of the solidarity engendered by the strike built support for
the already well organised left in the area. John Boyd, the right wing
candidate for the AEU presidency, had been expected to win and indeed he did in
every area except Manchester whose
huge majority for Hugh Scanlon assured his election.[24] Now with a national
profile after the Roberts-Arundel dispute, in which he was indisputably the
leading figure, Tocher became party chairman at the beginning of 1970 though
not, according to his letter to Gollan accepting the post, before consulting
the party district secretary and getting the agreement of his wife.[25]
The Industrial
Relations Act
Following his election
victory in June 1970, Heath quickly introduced his Industrial Relations bill to
control shop floor militancy. With
matching speed, Tocher organised a meeting of 900 Manchester area engineering shop
stewards, 30 November 1970, who voted for a strike a week later, 8 December.
The Guardian quoted ‘a spokesman for the Confed’ i.e. Tocher estimating 60,000
to be on strike as 3,000 marched through the city.[26] As Confed secretary he organised a train to
the 150,000-strong TUC demonstration against the bill in London, 21 February
1971, which was followed by official strikes on 1 and 8 March 1971 and a
further demonstration in Manchester, 18 March, a week before the bill received
its third reading. The Guardian reported 1.2 million stopped work nationally on
1 March with 150,000 on strike in the Manchester area and ‘Trafford Park [the
north west’s largest industrial estate and location of Metro Vicks] virtually
at a standstill.’
At the November 1971
Communist Party congress, full of optimism generated by the CP led work-in at
the UCS shipyard in Glasgow, it was Tocher who, as party chair, made the
closing speech. The Morning Star article headed ‘Communists set for big class
battles’ reports a speech measured in its language
Closing the
congress, Party chairman John Tocher said it had drawn up a policy which would
help the working class in fighting the many battles before it... the only
lasting solution to unemployment was socialism.
He urged stepping up the pressure to get rid of the Tory government.[27]
The Manchester engineering
factory occupations and the decline of the Broad Left
In forcing the Heath government to do a U-turn,
abandoning its ‘lame ducks’ policy of refusing to bail out bankrupt companies,
the UCS work-in established workplace occupation as a tactic. When the union executive failed to give a
lead over the national engineering pay claim, it was Tocher who seized the
initiative. Using the head of steam
built campaigning against the Industrial Relations Act, he organised over
thirty factory occupations in the Manchester area in the summer of 1972. However, lack of support from Scanlon made it
impossible to stop occupied factories settling one by one. Some occupations were brief, leaving their
workforces relatively satisfied with their settlement. In most cases, solid
resistance by occupied employers - who were being funded through a national
levy organised by the Engineering Employers Federation - meant that most
occupations settled with little to show for their efforts. A strong shop floor backlash followed this
failure. Twelve months later, standing for re-election, Tocher was returned as
divisional organiser with a majority of just 250 in a poll of over 16,000. Fellow member of the CP national executive,
Bernard Panter, lost his position as AUEW Manchester district secretary. The
Broad Left in engineering whose driving force had always been the Communist
Party had stumbled badly. It’s difficult
not to infer that Tocher’s decision to come off the CP national executive at
the November 1973 Congress reflected a certain disillusionment. This will have been reinforced by concern
over the AUEW’s introduction of postal balloting in 1972 against which the
Broad Left, including Tocher himself failed to mount an effective challenge. [28] The Broad Left’s paper, Engineering Voice,
reported
John Tocher
agreed that the postal ballot is here to stay. The collective left progressive
movement must ensure the system works equitably and openly.[29]
The rule change undermined the
democracy based in branch meetings which had been the basis of the left’s
strength. Everyone could see that the
change gave the media, always a supporter of the right, a greater scope to
intervene.
The Social
Contract, failure of the British Road to Socialism and Tocher’s
resignation
Heath’s humiliation at the
hands of the UCS workforce, miners and dockers in 1972 and miners again two
years later leading to defeat in the February 1974 general election should have
meant that this was a moment of opportunity as never before for the British
Road to Socialism. Indisputably the long
predicted economic crisis was happening. The FTSE index fell 32% in 1973 and
53% in 1974, the pound fell from $2.30 to $1.60 in the two years from January
1974, inflation and unemployment both rose. The October 1974 Labour manifesto promised
‘a fundamental and irreversible shift in the balance of wealth and power in
favour of working people’. The Labour left Tribune group counted 60 to 80 MPs
as members. As Alfred Sherman,
ex Communist, now right wing guru,
put it ‘Britain had a ruling class that was no longer capable
of ruling.’
Yet the
Communist Party’s 1974 general election results were disastrous. Jimmy Reid, the
best hope of electing a Communist MP in nearly quarter of a century, only just
managed to hold onto his deposit. The Tribunite MPs made no
impact. Together with almost the whole of the TUC General Council, backed by a
95% vote at a special conference,[30] Scanlon moved into
alliance with Wilson, helping enforce the TUC’s ‘policy of voluntary pay restraint’. It must have hurt Tocher to see how Scanlon
now moved between Whitehall and Congress House supporting a government whose
prime minister the Economist was soon calling 'the best conservative prime
minister Britain could get.' Nor were the problems
exclusively national. Bert Brennan,
convener of Metro Vicks, who had signed Tocher’s nomination papers for
re-election as divisional organiser, was fined by the Manchester district for
allowing 10,000 to work overtime at the normal day rate.[31]
After two years of global recession marking the end of
the post-war boom, 1976 was crunch time.
The IMF was called in and at Labour Party conference Callaghan made his
famous ‘end of the cosy world’ speech. It
was back to fundamentals, no more 'confetti' money, an attack on the post-war
full employment, welfare state consensus, the start of neo-liberalism in
Britain. From mid 1975 working class
living standards fell more sharply than at any time since the 1930s. At the same
time the Communist Party’s membership was falling, its factory branches disintegrating,
and its Broad Left strategy in ruins.
Not until February 1977, did the CP controlled Liaison Committee for the
Defence of Trade Unions, in decline since at least 1973, mobilise against the
Social Contract.[32] A younger generation
within the party were challenging what they saw as its excessively ‘workerist’
approach and commitment to ‘free collective bargaining’, arguing for a
socialist incomes policy. Their vision
of a broad democratic alliance included the women’s liberation and anti racist
movements. Less than eighteen months
earlier Jimmy Reid had helped with the Manchester launch of the CP’s October
‘74 election campaign speaking to 700 supporters in the Free Trade Hall. In February 1976 Reid resigned saying
‘members of the party have acted contrary to the working class’; his quarrel
was with ‘the dead hand of dogma’.[33] Reid’s exit was followed by three other
engineers, all once members of the national executive: Cyril Morton, from
Sheffield, Bernard Panter and Tocher, the only one of the four never to have
stood in either a parliamentary or local election. The press was told his
resignation was for personal reasons, having reduced his activities because of
ill health.[34]
Aftermath
Though the Broad Left was never able to beat the
right-wing as it had in the late 1960s and early 1970s, Tocher, now a member of
the Labour Party, remained a committed supporter, organising candidates in the
Manchester area. He stood as Broad Left
candidate for President in 1985-6 getting 95,000 votes against the right winger
Bill Jordan’s 110,000. In the jobs
massacre in the 1980-81 recession, much worsened by Thatcher’s monetarist
policies, he played a leading role in a number of battles against
redundancy. These included the 21 week
strike over victimisation of stewards and convener at Adamsons Containers in 1979
and the six week occupation of the Gardner diesel factory in October-November
1980, both of which were successful. There was also the unsuccessful sixteen
week occupation of Laurence Scott Electromotors against closure in 1981. In 1986 he challenged Ferodo over cutting the
workforce’s pay. A court decision forced Ferodo to pay £750,000, equivalent to
£2 million today. The judge having heard
Tocher’s evidence commented he could well understand why he had been a
candidate for the presidency of the AEU. A 1985 letter in the Times from a
fellow official described him as ‘probably the toughest negotiator in the
AUEW.’[35]
Tocher continued working as
an official as he always had, insisting that he alone represent the workforce
in negotiations. For example, during the
Gardners dispute, he only brought in the convenor and chairman at the final
meeting with the employer and sharply criticised the SWP’s ‘out of control’ methods
of organising solidarity with the strikers.[36] He was nevertheless unsectarian towards the
SWP giving a lengthy interview to their monthly[37] and inviting a number of
them to his retirement ‘do’ shortly before he died on 17 September 1991, eight
days before he was due to finish. At no point was there any sign of less than
comradely relational with former comrades nor any break with those who had
moved on and "up" such as the ennobled Hugh Scanlon who spoke at his
retirement party. Rather at the commemoration
of his life in Manchester Town Hall 1991, Benny Rothman and others talked of
betrayal of the principles that had inspired his cohort of Communists. The
commitment to the principles had survived, the organisation had not.
Why leave?
Stevenson implies in his brief biography of Tocher that the personal
reasons for leaving the party were the attacks he received in the 1985/6
election campaign which
.... clearly took its toll on Tocher’s health, if not
his spirit. Nonetheless, as Chair of the Executive Committee of the Communist
Party, he was singled out throughout the 1980s for special attention by the
gutter press. He resigned from the Party only because these attacks on him
resulted in harassment and began to seriously affect his young family, arising from
a second, late marriage.[38]
There are two
errors here: Tocher chaired the executive 1970-1971 and he resigned in 1976.
Given his record of political commitment and since we know so little of his
personal circumstances, it makes better sense to start with the party’s failure
in the mid ‘70s on both electoral and industrial fronts. The party cadres’ years of work building
alliances with top officials proved unable to prevent the wholesale move to the
right by Scanlon, Jones and others. The
party congress November 1975 saw a balancing act by the new general secretary,
Gordon McLennan, trying to keep the links with left figures and show
determination to seize the opportunities presented by the crisis.[39]
For Tocher the
problem wasn’t ’the dead hand of dogma’.
He supported the party line including the call for an alternative
economic strategy challenging the proto-neoliberalism of the Callaghan
government. The rise of a young guard in the party critical of what they saw as
a misplaced faith in workplace organising’s capacity to produce socialist
consciousness was the basis for comradely argument, not for leaving. Similarly
he would have rejected their belief in incomes policy arguing instead for the
free collective bargaining needed to build the strength required to implement
an alternative economic strategy.[40] The problem was the party’s failure to keep its roots
in the class. As he put it in 1978
When the left starts winning it becomes arrogant with
people. I’ve noticed this with district committees and individuals and the
like, instead of maintaining a grassroots position they start telling people
what to do. But you can’t rule by
committee, you can’t inject militancy into an establishment. Obviously
leadership is very important, but you mustn’t forget the people whose views you
are reflecting – what they’ll go along with and what they won’t.[41]
It is hard not
to see an element of self criticism here: Tocher consistently exercised the
authority of his position as the senior regional official as, for example,
during the Gardner’s occupation. He
would go along with shop steward committee decisions further than most
officials but they needed to know the limits of their authority. In the run up to the Gardner occupation in 1980,
Tocher agreed to ‘support minority disputes against enforced redundancy ...
crucially important because thereby the stewards knew that a dispute was going
to happen, one way or another, and this helped pull vacillators to our side.’ He also agreed the strike committee could
co-opt rank and file members when required.’[42] While he had comradely relationships with
members of organisations which rejected this view, such as the SWP, he never
shifted on this point. When Mick
Brightman, an SWP member, was asked by Tocher in the early ‘80s to stand for
election on the Broad Left slate, Tocher added ‘Of course, you would have to
leave the SWP.’ Brightman pointed out that Tocher would have rejected any such
proposal if had been asked to stand on condition of leaving the CP and the
matter was dropped.[43]
Why so hard to know the reason?
The lack of a
written ‘footprint’ is not hard to explain.
The party he joined in the early years of the Cold War was spied on from
all sides, taking precautions was party policy as with the 1951 ‘Vigilance’
campaign for tighter security.[44] The minutes of the
industrial advisory committee meetings, to which Tocher will have made an
important contribution, were later shredded to protect the individuals still
working.[45] There was always the hostility of employers
and those assisting them such as Winston Churchill, MP for Stretford,[46] who wrote at one point
about helping to ‘get JT.’[47] There was ‘a canary’ in the form of a right
wing district official in the union offices in Salford in the 1980s. It can be
argued that for much of his time there was little pressure to write. In the early years, the fluent pen of Frank
Allaun, later that of Bert Ramelson, both covered his patch. Finally, Tocher was a very private
individual, keeping his personal life separate from work and politics, a night
owl, sometimes drinking alone in pubs.[48] His personal modesty - it can be argued that
this fitted the party’s idea of the model comrade[49] - also adds to the
difficulty in writing about him. Whatever personal reasons there were, there is
no reason to think he had changed his view that the public debate of
differences within the party was to be avoided.
Rather there was a continuing loyalty to those who had not left and a determination
not to give the class enemy any opportunity to exploit his decision to leave.
This article was originally published in the North West Labour History 42, 2017-2018
[1] Socialist History Society, 1996 conference, ‘Getting the balance right: an assessment of the achievements of the Communist Party of Great Britain.’
[2] Frow E & Frow R, Engineering Struggles, 1982, p457, give 29 September 1925 as his date of birth. Quite possibly he lied about his age in order to get into the forces a year earlier.
[3] It later became Hawker Siddeley and then British Aerospace.
[4] Draft report to the EC re factory branches, 9/10 March 1968, CPGB archive, CP/CENT /IND/1/1
[5] Manchester Guardian, 27 August 1955, 30 August 1955, 1 Sept 1956.
[6] Frow and Frow, op.cit, p275-276.
[7] Letter from AVRO JSSC to Labour Party Secretary, Transport House, London, 25 Oct 1960, Labour Party archives, GS/AEU/407
[8] Manchester Guardian, 4 May 1957, 30 April 1959, 2 May 1962, 2 May 1963, 28 April 1964, 2 May 1964.
[9] Stockport District shop stewards quarterly, June 1957, 14 May 1958, AEU Stockport District, special shop stewards meeting, Chair Bro. J. W. Tocher, WCML, TU/ENG/6/G/97AF
[10] Metalworker, February 1959.
[11] Guardian, 16 April 1963
[12] Callaghan, Cold War, Crisis and Conflict, The CPGB 1951-68. 2003, p246; Andrews, Endgames and New Times, The Final Years of British Communism, 1964-1991, 2004, p.107; McIlroy et al (eds), The High Tide of British Trade Unionism, Trade Unions and Industrial Politics, 1964-79, 2007, pp233-237; Armstrong, The history and organisation of the broad left in the AUEW (Engineering Section) until 1972, with special reference to the Left in Manchester, 1978.
[13] Seifert and Sibley, Revolutionary Communist at Work: A Political Biography of Bert Ramelson, 2011
[14] The Guardian, 6 April 1960
[15] Raphael Samuel notes the advanced political economy classes for cadres in Manchester in 1947. See Samuel, ‘Lost World of British Communism, Part 3, p76
[16] Stockport Communist Party branch newsletter, October 1968, WCML, AG/CPGB/ Box 20
[18] See appendix below.
[19] Colin Barker, IS in the 60s: two thousand workers with bricks: the Roberts-Arundel strike, https://rs21.org.uk/2015/08/05/is-in-the-60s-two-thousand-workers-with-bricks-the-roberts-arundel-strike/2015; Arnison, The Million Pound Strike, 1970, p30-34
[20] Colin Barker, op.cit., 2015
[21] The
National Archives, Kew/ DPP 2/4459/
TOCHER, John (District Secretary of the Amalgamated Engineering Union): s7
Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act 1875. Incidents arising in the course
of a trade dispute involving a company named "Robert Arindel Ltd",
Stockport. No action
[22] Colin Barker, op.cit., 2015
[23] ‘roberts-arundel the story of the strike’, n.d (1967).
[24] See Armstrong, op.cit.
[25] CPGB archive, CP/CENT/SEC/05/02
[26] Guardian, 9 December 1970, p22. The ‘spokesman for the Confed’ who is quoted will have been Tocher.
[27]
Morning Star, 17 November 1971
[28] The name was changed to Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers, AUEW, in 1971, following a merger with the draughtsmen’s union, DATA and the steel construction workers union, CEU.
[29] Engineering Voice, January/February 1972.
[30] Guardian, 17 June 1976, p1
[31] Guardian, 28 January 1971, p20
[32] John
McIlroy, Alan Campbell, Organizing the militants: The Liaison Committee for the
Defence of Trade Unions, 1966-1979, BJIR, Volume 37, Issue 1, 1999
[33] Reid, Reflections of a Clyde-built man, 1976
[34] The Times, 26 August 1976, p2
[35] The Times, 11 May, 1985, p9
[36] Brightman, letter to author, 25 April 2016
[37] Socialist Review, September 1978
[38] Stevenson, Communist biographies, http://www.grahamstevenson.me.uk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=582:john-tocher&catid=20:t&Itemid=105
[39] Higgins, Spectator, 22 November 1975. A cynical view which
nevertheless captured the problem
[40] I have failed to find any record of his views on the rise of the women’s movement and of socialist feminism within the CP.
[41] Socialist Review, 1978
[42] Brightman, op.cit.
[43] Brightman, op.cit.
[44] Callaghan, p10
[45] Andrews, p105
[46] Grandson of Winston Churchill, prime minister
[47] Engineers Charter, n.d.
[48] Brightman, op.cit.
[49] As when he has the press report him as ‘spokesman for the Confed’. Only when he was a candidate for AUEW president did his name appear regularly in the press. See above footnote 16, p5
